The KIMBA Principle: Decoding the Root Cause of Employee Performance Issues

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Equally productive workers irregardless of gender will be paid the same and hired in similar numbers given market forces. Given these assumptions, one should not observe hiring, promotion, and salary differences for equally productive workers of either gender. However, persistent gender wage and employment differentials persist on average in the market as a whole Altonji and Blank, and for scientists in particular Ginther, I use economic theory to explain observed gender differences in hiring, promotion and salary.

Becker argues that taste-based discrimination prejudice will be eliminated by competitive forces. Given employer, employee, or customer prejudice, those firms that pay premiums to favored workers will have higher costs. Thus, the nondiscriminating firm will have a competitive advantage by hiring women or minorities, and the market will eventually compete away the discriminating wage differential.

The preference-based explanations argue that gender differences in employment outcomes result from choices, in particular, differences in productivity. Economic theory holds that equally productive workers will be paid the same, thus, gender salary differences are the result of differences in productivity. A second preference-based explanation is that women chose to marry and have children, which in turn affects their attachment to their careers and overall productivity.

Other theoretical explanations include monopsony models of the labor market. A monopsonist is a single employer of labor that has more bargaining power in the employment contract than the worker. Monopsonists pay workers less than the competitive wage and may be able to pay different wages to different types of workers depending upon their relative mobility. Thus if female faculty have fewer outside job opportunities, this will generate a gender wage differential. One may convincingly argue that academic institutions have monopsony power relative to faculty in most fields.

However, for monopsony to explain gender employment disparities, women would need to be less mobile than men. Job-matching models may also explain gender differences in employment outcomes. In this model workers who are the best match for the job earn the highest salaries. In loose terms, the job-matching model suggests that women are paid less because they are not as capable not as good of a match in science compared to men. If the researcher cannot explain the gender differences in employment outcomes using one of the above explanations, then the residual gender difference in hiring, promotion, or salary may be attributed to discrimination.

Statistical discrimination suggests that imperfect information on the part of employers generates wage differentials. In this model, an employer attributes the average characteristics of a group to an individual member of this group—essentially the employer uses a stereotype in making hiring decisions or setting wages. As a result, we observe gender differences in employment outcomes. However, direct measures of statistical discrimination are difficult to come by.

Thus, discrimination may be inferred when other plausible explanations have been ruled out. Using economic theory as a guide, the research summarized in this report is organized using three basic principles. First, there is no single scientific labor market. As a result, this research disaggregates the data by scientific field. Second, gender differences in employment outcomes need a context in order to make meaningful comparisons. Thus, the research compares employment outcomes across academic fields in order to ascertain the relative status of women in academic science and social science.

Finally, employment outcomes are interrelated. One cannot understand gender differences in salary without considering related outcomes of hiring and promotion. Given these principles, my research poses the question: Does science discriminate against women? I evaluate gender differences in hiring, promotion, and salary and can largely explain the first two outcomes using observable characteristics. However, I find large gender differences in the salaries of full professors that I cannot explain as a function of productivity or other choices.

I use the — waves of the survey to evaluate changes in the distribution of women in scientific fields. The SDR is a nationally representative sample of PhD scientists in the United States used by the National Science Foundation to monitor the scientific workforce and fulfill its congressional mandate to monitor the status of women in science.

This study uses data from the waves of the SDR.

The SDR collects detailed information on doctorate recipients including demographic characteristics, educational background, employer characteristics, academic rank, government support, primary work activity, productivity, and salary. Although the SDR has comprehensive measures of factors that influence academic salaries, the data lack information on some quantitative measures, such as laboratory space and extensive measures of publications. Measures of academic productivity are largely missing from the SDR data, but the SDR does ask questions about publications in the , , and surveys.

I use these data to create rough measures of productivity for each year following the doctorate. Academics in the life sciences, physical sciences, engineering, and social science are included in the analysis. Life science includes biological sciences and agriculture and food science. Physical science includes mathematics and computer science, chemistry, earth science and physics. Social science includes economics, psychology, sociology and anthropology, and political science. Engineering includes all engineering fields. The SDR collected information on doctorate recipients in the humanities between and In some of the analysis that follows, I include comparisons across the three broad disciplines of humanities, sciences, and social sciences.

I begin the analysis by analyzing the percentage of doctorates awarded and the percentage of tenured faculty who are female. Figures and indicate that women are not equally distributed across scientific fields.

Figure graphs the percentage of doctorates awarded to females between and using data from the SED. By almost half of all doctorates in life science and more than half of all doctorates in social science were awarded to women. However, both physical science and engineering awarded less than one-third of doctorates to women. Despite the increasing numbers of doctorates awarded to women, the representation of women among tenured academic scientists remains quite low. Figure uses data from the — waves of the SDR to graph the percentage of.

Specifics of the data creation may be found in Ginther and Ginther and Kahn Given the large differences between the percentages of doctorates awarded to women and the percentages of tenured faculty who are women, I turn to potential explanations. The underrepresentation of women in tenured academic ranks may result from gender differences in hiring or promotion.

Ginther and Kahn examine gender differences in hiring by evaluating whether women in science are more or less likely than men to get tenure track jobs within five years of receiving their doctorate. Women and men who leave academia immediately following the doctorate are dropped from the sample. Figure shows three sets of estimates of the effect of being female on getting a tenure track job using samples of over. Negative numbers indicate that women are less likely whereas positive numbers indicate that women are more likely to get a tenure track job within five years of PhD.

There is no significant difference between men and women getting a tenure-track job in physical science and engineering. The second bar in Figure includes controls for academic field, race, age at PhD, year of PhD, marital status, and children. The estimated gender gap falls for all science and social science fields but does not change appreciably for the disaggregated science fields.

The third bar includes controls that interact female with marital status and children. These interaction terms allow the impact of marriage and children to be different for men and women in the model. The estimates are strikingly different. Humanities estimates from SDR. These results indicate that much of the underrepresentation of women in academic science is the result of having children. Women may choose to have children instead of pursuing an academic career because of the coincident timing of the tenure and biological clocks.

The dual-career problem may also play a role. If it is difficult to obtain two tenure-track jobs, she may choose to have children instead of investing in her career. Furthermore, women are often the primary caregivers of children and this may hamper investments in their careers. The availability of tenure-track jobs may be limited to such an extent that women choose to invest more in marriage and family than in their careers. I suggest that the relative lack of academic jobs may be playing a significant role.

By way of example, approximately half of all medical students are women and increasing numbers of women are practicing medicine. The demand for doctors is much higher than the demand for academic scientists, and this demand results in more women practicing medicine. Studies suggest that the post-doctoral process is taking longer because the number of post-doctoral positions has expanded without a similar expansion of academic jobs Davis, I now examine what happens to women as they progress through the tenure track.

Once women have tenure-track jobs, their prospects for getting tenure in science are very promising but less so in social science. Figure is derived from estimates in Ginther and Kahn , and Ginther and Hayes It shows gender differences in the promotion to tenure 10 years past the doctorate in the fields of science, social science excluding economics, life science, physical science, engineering, humanities, and economics.

These latter two disciplines are included to provide a context for the remaining fields. These results indicate that gender differences in promotion to tenure are small for women in scientific fields. These differences in economics cannot be fully explained by gender differences in productivity, marital status, or presence of children Ginther and Kahn, Ginther and Kahn estimate gender differences in promotion to tenure and promotion to full professor in scientific fields.

They find no statistically significant gender differences in promotion to either rank. Thus, we can conclude that gender differences in promotion in science are negligible. However, gender differences in promotion in social science are large, especially in economics. I now consider gender differences in salaries. There are several factors that affect the salaries of academics. Demographic characteristics such as race, marital status, fertility, and years of work experience may have a positive or negative effect on salaries. For example, on average, marriage increases male salaries while having a negative effect on female salaries.

Employer characteristics such as working at a public or private institution, liberal arts or a doctoral institution, and the Carnegie ranking of the employer may also affect salaries. Top research institutions pay more than liberal arts colleges. Public institutions have state-mandated salary scales that tend to be more restrictive than those at private institutions. Employee characteristics such as the academic rank and tenure status of the individual also influence salaries, with salaries increasing with academic rank and tenure. Measures of productivity also affect salaries.

These include factors such as whether the individual receives government support, primary work activities, and publications. If men are more likely to work at top-ranked research universities, the gender salary gap will be larger. Salary differences may also result from dif-. For example, at private institutions if men are paid more than women and private institutions are equally likely to employ both, then the gender salary gap will increase.

Taken together, these observable characteristics may explain a substantial portion of the gender salary gap. The analysis reported here updates estimates in Ginther , , and Ginther and Hayes using the SDR data. The first bar in Figure shows the average gender salary gap for all tenure-track and tenured faculty combined in science, social science, life science, physical science, engineering, and humanities.

This combined gender salary gap is very large. However, previous research by Ginther and Hayes , shows that the majority of the gender salary gap in the humanities disappears when separate salary regressions are estimated for each academic rank. The remaining bars in Figure show the gender salary gap for assistant, associate, and full professor ranks. Using regression techniques, these salary gaps can be decomposed into factors that are explained by observable characteristics and factors that result from differential treatment of men and women.

One-third of the salary gap for all science fields combined cannot be explained by observable characteristics such as productivity. Three-quarters of the salary gap for engineering cannot be explained by observable characteristics. I now evaluate whether economic theory can explain the gender salary gap for full professors. To determine whether publication differences could account for a substantial portion of the unexplained salary gap for full professors, I use publications measures from the SDR Ginther, The sample includes measures of papers published and papers presented at conferences within the last five years.

Including productivity measures only reduced the unexplained portion of the gap by 0. Thus, productivity does not appreciably reduce the unexplained gender salary gap for full professors for all science fields combined. However, productivity differences do explain a significant portion of the salary gap in physical science and engineering. This estimate is based on SDR data, the last year information on the humanities was available. Next, I consider other factors that may explain the gender salary gap. In particular, women who have children are often paid less than women without children Waldfogel, My analysis shows that the total number of children and presence of children under the age of six have little or no impact on either the explained or unexplained portion of the gender salary gap for full professors.

Economic models of monopsony where the university acts as the sole purchaser of labor may also explain the gender salary gap. In monopsonistic models of academic labor markets developed by Ransom , senior faculty have higher moving costs and receive lower salary offers. It is possible that tenured women faculty have higher moving costs than their male colleagues because of dual career considerations or fewer job opportunities.

As a result, universities can make lower salary offers and adjustments to women scientists. Both the monopsony and loyal servant explanations would be evident in the effect of job tenure on wages. However, the data show the opposite is true. Male salaries are reduced more than female salaries for each additional year of job tenure. Thus, neither monopsony models nor the loyal servant hypothesis provide an adequate explanation of the gender salary gap in science. Job matching models suggest that women are paid less than men because they are not as well suited matched to scientific careers.

Whereas this may explain part of the salary gap for lower ranks, it is difficult to argue that women full professors of science are not well suited to academic science. Although productivity, children, and economic models do not provide an adequate explanation for the gender salary gap, there are other variables that are associated with the gender gap. In my analysis, the single most important factor contributing to both the explained and unexplained gender gap is work experience—measured by years since PhD.

Virtually all of the explained salary gap for full professors results from men having relatively more work experience. In addition, virtually all of the unexplained salary gap for full professors results from men having a higher return on experience than women. Although the effect of experience on wages is almost the same for men and women in the assistant and associate professor ranks, it differs for men and women at the full professor rank.

Each additional year of work experience increases the salaries for male full professors but has zero effect on the salaries of female full professors, thus contributing to the unexplained salary gap. The effect of experience suggests that the gender salary gap may result from a subtle mechanism such as the cumulative advantage model described by Zuckerman In this model, some groups receive greater opportunities than others.

Recipients are enriched and nonrecipients are impoverished. Over time as advantages and disadvantages accumulate, a gender gap develops. The estimated impact of experience on the salary gap is consistent with the cumulative advantage model. I began this analysis by posing the question: does science discriminate against women in hiring, promotion, and salaries? The answers to these questions provide questions for further research and policy recommendations. First, women in science and social science are less likely to have tenure track jobs within 5 years of the doctorate when compared with men.

Second, the research finds no significant gender differences in the probability of obtaining tenure in life science, physical science, and engineering. However, gender salary differences for full professors, on the. The gender differences in salaries are most consistent with the cumulative advantage model where advantages accrue to men more often than women and generate salary differentials.

The results of this research provide both research and policy recommendations. The gender differences in hiring and salary summarized in this paper can only be partially explained with existing data. In order to understand the complex causes of gender disparities in employment outcomes for women in science and social science, better data are required.

The Survey of Doctorate Recipients is the best source of data on academic labor markets. However the quality of the data should be enhanced along two dimensions. First, additional questions should be included in the SDR to allow for the comparison of resource allocations. These questions include the following:. This series of questions would allow researchers to determine whether gender differences in resource allocation and productivity contribute to the gender salary gap. Second, additional questions related to post-doctoral appointments and dual career issues should be include in the SDR.

These questions include:. This series of questions would allow researchers to determine whether the post-doctoral process or work-family trade-offs lead to fewer women in academic science. In particular, researchers could make great use of data on the number of academic and nonacademic jobs available in scientific fields. It is my belief that the excess supply of scientists in certain fields disproportionately disadvantages women. Finally, I recommend that the NSF create an advisory panel of researchers who use the SDR to make recommendations on data collection, survey design, survey questions, and dissemination of the data.

The hiring and salary gaps summarized in this research also lead to specific policy recommendations. In terms of hiring, universities should be encouraged to develop family friendly policies such as tenure clock stops for childbirth, paid parental leave, and on-site childcare. These policies would ease the burden of having and caring for children. Dual career hiring policies may also benefit.

At most institutions, accommodations for the trailing spouse are ad hoc or nonexistent. This poses a special problem for women who are more likely to married to professional or academic spouses. Universities that wisely invest in academic couples may be able to hire and retain higher quality faculty because couples are less mobile than individuals. Finally, I would recommend institutional review of salaries on a regular basis in order to adjust obvious gender salary discrepancies. Race and Gender in the Labor Market.

Handbook of Labor Economics, Volume 3 , Eds. O Ashenfelter and D Card. Amsterdam: Elsevier Science. GS Becker The Economics of Discrimination , 2nd edition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. E Benjamin Disparities in the salaries and appointments of academic women and men. Academe 85 1 Mimeo, University of Essex. G Davis Mimeo, Sigma Xi. DK Ginther Does Science Discriminate Against Women? Evidence from Academia, Is MIT the exception? Gender pay differentials in academic science. Bulletin of Science, Technology, and Society 23 1 Why women earn less: Economic explanations for the gender salary gap in science.

AWIS Magazine 33 1 Gender differences in salary and promotion in the humanities. American Economic Review Papers and Proceedings 89 2 Gender differences in salary and promotion for faculty in the humanities, The Journal of Human Resources 38 1 DK Ginther and S Kahn Women in economics: Moving up or falling off the academic career ladder?

Journal of Economic Perspectives 18 3 Does Science Promote Women? Evidence from Academia Mimeo, University of Kansas.

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National Research Council From Scarcity to Visibility. M Ransom Seniority and monopsony in the academic labor market. American Economic Review 83 1 J Waldfogel The family gap for young women in the United States and Britain: Can maternity leave make a difference? Journal of Labor Economics 16 3 H Zuckerman New York: WW Norton. Females and males are both similar and different in their cognitive performance. There is no evidence to support claims for a smarter sex. Males and females have different average scores on different cognitive measures; some show an advantage for females and others show an advantage for males.

Although there is much overlap in the female and male distributions, on average, females excel on many memory tasks including memory for objects and location, episodic memory, reading literacy, speech fluency, and writing. Males excel at visuospatial transformations, especially mental rotation, science achievement, mathematics tests that are not tied to a specified curriculum possibly due to use of novel visuospatial representations and transformations , and males are more variable on many cognitive tests.

A biopsychosocial model that recognizes the reciprocal relationships among many types of variables is used as an explanatory framework. There have been remarkable changes in the lives of women and men in the blink of history that was the 20th century. College enrollments went from consisting largely of men from the privileged classes near the start of the 20th century to men from all socioeconomic classes and literally, all stripes, as they returned from World War II near mid-century.

College enrollments for women at the same time consisted mostly of women of privilege, or exceptional talent, or high moti-. In keeping with the biopsychsocial model that is advocated in this paper and the belief that these two types of influences are interdependent and cannot be separated, only one term is used in this chapter. These terms are often used inconsistently in the literature.

But, by the time the post-war baby boom reached college age, women were attending college at an increasingly higher rate than earlier generations, in part because the baby boomers faced more competition as they entered an overcrowded work force. By , the number of women enrolled in and graduating from college exceeded that of men, and the gap in favor of women has continued to widen ever since.

Women also get higher grades in school, on average, in every subject area Dwyer and Johnson, ; Kimball, These changes have occurred faster than any gene can mutate or any theory of evolution can explain, so it is not surprising that most people look to societal explanations for the changing roles of men and women. Males have been much slower to enter the traditional female disciplines. There have been many initiatives to accelerate the increase in the numbers of women in academic areas commonly known as STEM—Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics—however the underrepresentation of women, particularly at the full professor level in university faculties, was brought into a near frenzy of public debate when Lawrence Summers January 14, , president of Harvard University, offered his personal beliefs about this topic.

Summers identified these three broad hypotheses as possible reasons for the large disparities in the percentage of women in academic positions in universities: 1 high-powered job hypothesis; 2 differential availability of aptitude at the high end, and 3 different socialization and patterns of discrimination in the faculty search process. Summers eliminated the third hypothesis quite simply by concluding that there could not be discrimination against women in the process of searching and hiring professors because discrimination would have to occur on every campus in the United States.

If there were one or even a few campuses that did not discriminate against women scientists, then these campuses would have many outstanding women at the level of full professor who had been discriminated against at the other campuses; since there are no such campuses, there could not have been discrimination in the hiring or promotion process. The other two hypotheses proposed by Summers are addressed in greater detail below. There are many science disciplines and women are dominating some of them. These percentages are higher than they used to be, but not equal to the number of males in these areas.

Department of Education, ? Clearly women have the cognitive ability to learn and succeed in math and science, although there are sex differences in the fields of sciences in which they are selecting. The differences among these fields are sometimes described by a theory that suggests that biological or life sciences are preferred by women and inorganic sciences are preferred by men, but when psychologists look over this list, alternative categorizations emerge. These data raise interesting philosophical questions about values and opportunities: would we expect or want all fields of study and all careers to become approximately equal in the numbers of men and women, and if so, at what cost are we willing to pursue that goal?

When it comes to understanding cognitive performance, males and females are both similar and different, and some of the differences are small and some are large. There are cognitive tasks and tests that show, on average, some differences that favor females and some that favor males. There is also much overlap, so we do not have distinctly different groups, but overlapping distributions. In thinking about the differences, some of them have not changed over the decades for which we have data. It is not as though there is a number that exists in the real world and if researchers are very clever they will discover the percentage that can be attributed to nature.

Nature and nurture have no meaning without each other—nature needs nurture and vice versa. The distinction between biology and experience is hopelessly blurred, so asking whether nature or nurture plays the greater part in determining a cognitive sex difference is the wrong question. Consider, for example, the brain. There are many sex differences in the architecture of the brain, but it cannot be assumed that differences in female and male brains result solely from genetic or hormonal action.

The importance of experience was demonstrated in a study of London cab drivers that found that the cabbies had enlarged portions of their right posterior hippocampus relative to a control group of adults whose employment required less use of spatial navigational skills Maguire et al. The cab drivers showed a positive correlation between the size of the region of the hippocampus that is activated during recall of complex routes and the number of years they worked in this occupation. The finding that size of the hippocampus varied as a function of the number of years spent driving taxis makes it likely that it was a lifetime of complex way-finding that caused the brain structure used in certain visual-spatial tasks to increase in size.

The burgeoning field of hormone replacement therapies for men and women is providing evidence that hormones continue to be important in cognition throughout the life span, although the field is complex and rife with controversies. The best evidence for a beneficial effect is the effect of estrogen on verbal memory in old age. The results of these studies and others provide a causal link between levels of adult hormones and sex-typical patterns of cognitive performance.

A graphic depiction of the biopsychosocial model is shown in Figure as a continuous, dynamic loop, essentially blurring the distinction between biology and environment. Learning, for example, is both a biological and environmental variable, with the brain differentially responsive to new learning based on prior learning, genetic factors, nutrition, and much more. We now know, for example, that testosterone can increase or decrease depending on whether an individual wins or loses a game Schultheiss et al.

The standardized intelligence tests were written and normed to show no overall sex differences, but even a comparison of cognitive tests that were not deliberately normed to eliminate sex differences provide no evidence of overall sex differences in intelligence Jensen, These tests do, however, show predictable sex differences on their subscores. Some researchers object to the study of sex differences because they fear that it promotes false stereotypes and prejudice, but, there is nothing inherently sexist in a list of cognitive sex differences; prejudice is not intrinsic in data, but can be.

Prejudice also exists in the absence of data. Research is the only way to separate myth from empirically supported findings. A necessarily very brief overview of the largest differences is presented here. For a more complete review, see Halpern Writing and comprehending complex prose. In a report published by the U. Differences in male and female writing achievement were relatively large. Department of Education, , p. The female advantage in writing may be one reason why females get higher grades in school, on average. Any assessment that relies on writing provides an advantage to females.

Rapid access to and use of phonological, semantic, and episodic infor mation in long term memory. Speech articulation and fine motor tasks. Females are much less likely to stutter and have better fine motor skills e. Visuospatial transformations, especially mental rotation. This is a well-replicated and large effect that has not declined in over 30 years between 0. In addition, performance on mental rotations tasks improve with practice and the improved performance transfers to novel mental rotation stimuli, but performance improves equally for women and men Peters et al.

Numerous replications with training do not find a sex by training interaction. Females do not especially benefit from training. An example of a mental rotation task is shown in Figure The task is to determine if the pairs of figures can be rotated to be identical. When this test is administered on a com-. Can the pairs of figures in A and B be rotated so that they are identical?

Reaction times and correct answers are recorded. Men not only get more items correct, but they also rotate the items more quickly than most women. Fluid novel reasoning tasks in math and science. The advantage for males in mathematics is seen on some math tests. As already noted, females get higher grades in school, even in advanced math and science courses, although there are usually many fewer females enrolled in these courses. The size of the male advantage gets larger as the population sampled becomes more selective. In other words, the difference between males and females grows larger as the sample moves from high school to college-going students, from college-going students to graduate schools students, and from graduate students to those who are most gifted in math and science among graduate students.

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As this sample becomes more selective, so does the demand for visuospatial mental representation and transformation, which may be the underlying factor in this cognitive performance differential between males and females. More variable in cognitive performance. There are more males at both the high and low ends of many cognitive performance distributions. The greater variability for males means that there are more males with mental deficiencies, and there are more males that score at the very high end on many tests of intelligence and achievement.

The SAT-M, the mathematics test administered by the Educational Testing Service that is used by many universities for college admissions is one of the tests that shows an excess of males on the extreme high end. Several researchers have argued that the excess of males at the very high end of the abilities distributions for mathematics can account for the underrepresentation of females in physical sciences and math careers.

There are flaws in this line of reasoning as an explanation of the underrepresentation of women in science and math academic careers because there is a lack of females at all ability ranges in science and math, not just at the highest ability range Halpern, in press. There are many males in science and math who are not in the highest ability ranges because, by definition, only a very small percentage of the population is in this range.

In other words, it is not as if we have only mediocre women in sciences and math with a lack at the top—women are underrepresented across the board. Most psychologists would have believed, and probably still believe, that if an individual has achieved a threshold level of ability, additional ability beyond that level has little or no effect on life success because other variables such as motivation, interest, and opportunity would be far more important. These results remind researchers that high level ability is an important determinant of life outcomes, assuming that people have the opportunities to develop their abilities.

In looking over this abbreviated list of areas in which there are cognitive sex differences, one point should be evident—everyone except the profoundly retarded can improve in these cognitive areas with appropriate education, which is why we have schools. Some differences between females and males are found consistently in international assessments.

International comparisons of males and females are shown. The left hand column shows data from 15 year-old students from 25 countries who participated in the Program for International Assessment PISA. As seen in this figure, all of these countries showed significantly different effects favoring girls in reading literacy. The mathematics achievement and science achievement data are taken from the Third International Math and Science Study U. Department of Education, The sex differences in math achievement at 8th grade are not as impressive on this assessment as it is on more advanced measures, but as indicated earlier, the size of the sex difference depends on what is assessed and it grows with more select samples.

The cross-national consistency of the science achievement data is striking. In looking over these data, it is apparent that the results all show that males performed better than females and that the differences are statistically significant. The question of when an effect is large enough to be meaningful has been the subject of much debate. Rosenthal, Rosnow, and Rubin , pp. In a research paper on the mental rotation test, Peters et al. Although females, in general, are doing better in school than their male counterparts boys are more likely to repeat a grade, be victimized in school, or show up for school unprepared; U.

Department of Education, , males do better, in general, on standardized tests that are not linked to any specific curriculum, such as the SATs and GREs, which are used for college and graduate school admissions. Class grades also include classroom behavior and other noncognitive variables that are part of the good student role—a social role that is more compatible with the female sex role than the male sex role. Average scores on the SAT-M for entering college classes from to are shown for men and women are shown in Figure Despite the huge changes in number of women enrolled in mathematics courses and their higher grades in.

Table 2: Average SAT scores of entering college classes, How can we understand the grade-tests disparity? One way to consider the underlying cognitive processes used in executing the cognitive tasks being assessed when females or males excel at a cognitive task. Using a basic framework that was derived from the empirical literature on sex differences, Halpern proposed that females, in general, have faster access to information in episodic memory, to word knowledge and phonetic information; greater language fluency and implicit use of grammatical rules in writing.

Males, in general have faster access to visuospatial information and more accurate transformations of visuospatial information. In a study of the strategies used to solve mathematical problems, Gallagher et al. In a series of several studies, they found that overall,. Females were more likely to correctly solve problems with context that was familiar for females, used verbal skills, or required retrieval of a known solution or algebraic or multi-step solution. Building on the cognitive processing model, Gallagher, Levin and Cahalan examined cognitive patterns of sex differences on math problems on the Graduate Record Examination GRE.

They found the same results as predicted from the processes involved in solving the specific math problems, with differences favoring males for problems where there was an advantage to using a spatially-based solution strategy use of a spatial representation , but not when solution strategies were more verbal in nature or similar to the ones presented in popular math textbooks.

They found that the usual male advantage on standardized math tests can be minimized, equated, or maximized by altering the way problems are presented and the type of cognitive processes that are optimal for their solution. These are important findings because they advance our understanding of problem solving in general and math problem solving for all learners. Everyone can be taught how to create spatial representations and how to use successful strategies when they are appropriate for a specific type of mathematical problem. This is one example where the study of sex differences can move us toward a better understanding of the cognitive processes people use and new ways to improve strategies for math problem solving.

Figure 8. A Actual finger flexion dotted trace and decoded finger flexion solid trace using pace regression mean square error 0. These results demonstrate that the state of finger flexion [which cannot be directly inferred using a method that does not incorporate a state machine such as pace regression ] can be accurately inferred using SNDS.

In addition to the qualitative comparison provided above, Table 1 gives the main results of this study, which are a quantitative comparison between the results achieved using SNDS and pace regression. They show that for all fingers and all subjects, the results achieved using SNDS are superior to those achieved using pace regression alone. The overall mean square error reduces from 0.

Table 1. Comparison of decoding performance between pace regression and SNDS. The previous section demonstrated how we incorporated prior knowledge into a computational model to improve decoding of finger flexion. We were interested to what extent each aspect of the prior knowledge contributed to the improvement of the results.

Thus, we incrementally incorporated each of these aspects into the model and determined the resulting effect. The different models are shown in Figure 9. In this figure, the different models are: a a state-space model that captures the temporal dependency of finger flexion. The linear Gaussian in the state-space model can only capture linear transitions. Under SLDS, both the transition and measurement models are piecewise approximated using linear Gaussians. In other words, this version can model non-linear relationships to some extent. This refined transition can capture the dependency of movement speed on finger position and can constrain the finger movement range.

The final model differs from the model d by replacing the linear Gaussian transition with kernel density estimation. Figure 9. Comparison of computational models that incorporate different types of prior knowledge. See text for details. Figure 10 shows the quantitative results in the mean squared error also averaged across all fingers and subjects for each model. These quantitative improvements are also reflected in qualitative improvements in the decoded flexion traces: Figure 11 gives examples for decoded finger flexion traces using the different models.

These results show that both model a state-space model and model b SLDS produce results that are quite improved compared to the results for pace regression. Figure 11 shows that the predicted flexion traces for model a are much smoother than those for pace regression, presumably due to the consideration of temporal correlations. The stronger descriptive power of model b provided by the state layer further improves on the results for model a. Model c is produced by replacing the linear Gaussian transition with kernel density estimation in model b.

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By refining the movement speed and constraining the movement range, model c produces accurate flexion traces as shown in Figure Compared to the result of model b , an obvious difference is that the flexion trace produced by model c stays relatively flat in the rest state. Model d provides another significant improvement by placing the dependency of state transition on the finger position, although this is not obvious in the short sample given in Figure The final model, which combines elements from both c and d , achieves results that are superior to both model c or model d.

The accurate finger flexion estimated by kernel density estimation allows for more accurate estimation of transitions, which in turn results in application of the correct kernel density estimation transition function, and thus results in improved finger flexion estimation. Figure Performance given as mean squared error for pace regression, intermediate models a—d , and the final model. Exemplary decoding results of the models in Figure Because SNDS is a general probabilistic framework to incorporate prior knowledge into the decoding process, we also studied, as an example for the use of a different decoding algorithm, the combination of SNDS and a non-linear method i.

We previously used a Gaussian Process alone i. The practical application of Gaussian processes is affected by its computational complexity, which is cubic to the data size. Table 2 shows the comparison for the four algorithms: pace regression, Gaussian process and SNDS combined with the output of pace regression and Gaussian process. For all subjects, the use of a Gaussian processes outperform the use of pace regression, and the use of SNDS outperformed the use of the respective decoding algorithm alone.

Table 2. Comparison of decoding performance between pace regression, Gaussian process, and SNDS using the output of these two algorithms. This paper demonstrates that prior knowledge can be successfully captured to build switched non-parametric dynamic systems to decode finger flexion from ECoG signals. We also showed that the resulting computational models improve the decoding of finger flexion compared to when prior knowledge was not incorporated. This improvement is possible by dividing the flexion activity into several moving states S t , considering the state transition over time, establishing specific state transition by considering its dependence on the finger position continuous state variable Y t and modeling the individual transition pattern of continuous state variables under each moving state accurately by using kernel density estimation.

Generally, this improvements in decoding performance likely results from the different types of constraints on the possible flexion predictions that are realized by the computational model. In other words, the model may not able to produce all possible finger flexion patterns, although it is important to point out that the constraints that we put on finger flexions are those of natural finger flexions. Yet, it is still unclear to what extent these constraints and the same methodology used here may generalize to those of other natural movements, such as simultaneous movements of multiple fingers or hand gestures during natural reaches.

In particular, our method improves results in part because it infers discrete behavioral states, but there may be many such states during natural movements, in particular when multiple degrees of freedom e. Thus, the number of possible states will usually be dramatically less than the number of all possible states. In this case, using techniques to reduce the dimensionality such as principal component analysis, PCA of the behavioral space should also limit the number of states. In other words, it would be straightforward to change the definition of states from movements of individual fingers to estimation of different grasp patterns.

The general structure of the model would be the same while the parameterization and physical meanings of the variables would be somewhat different. At the same time, as the amount of prior knowledge decreases, e. There are some directions in which this work could be further improved. First, to reduce the computational complexity caused by kernel density estimation, non-linear transition functions can be used to model the continuous state transitions.

Second, more efficient inference methods could be developed to replace standard particle sampling. Finally, the methods presented in this paper could be extended to allow for simultaneous decoding of all five fingers instead of one at a time. In conclusion, the results presented in this paper demonstrate that, with appropriate mathematical decoding algorithms, ECoG signals can give information about finger movements that in their specificity and fidelity goes substantially beyond what has previously been demonstrated using any other method in any species.

With further improvements to current ECoG sensor technology, in particular to the density and form factor of current implants, and extension of current methods to real-time capability, it may ultimately be possible to develop neurally controlled hand prostheses with full fine-grained finger articulation. This eventual prospect is exciting, because even simpler capabilities may offer distinct advantages, e. More generally, the possibility that ECoG may support practical, robust, and chronic brain—computer interfaces was recently further substantiated: the study by Chao et al.

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest. Acharya, S. Electrocorticographic amplitude predicts finger positions during slow grasping motions of the hand.

Neural Eng. Azzouzi, M. Bashashati, A. A survey of signal processing algorithms in brain-computer interfaces based on electrical brain signals. Bradberry, T. Reconstructing three-dimensional hand movements from noninvasive electroencephalographic signals. Fast attainment of computer cursor control with noninvasively acquired brain signals. Carmena, J. Stable ensemble performance with single-neuron variability during reaching movements in primates.

Chao, Z. Long-term asynchronous decoding of arm motion using electrocorticographic signals in monkeys. CrossRef Full Text. Chapin, J. Real-time control of a robot arm using simultaneously recorded neurons in the motor cortex. Cowell, R. New York: Springer. Droppo, J. Ferguson, J. Frank, E. Friedman, N. Hall, M. The WEKA data mining software: an update. Hatsopoulos, N. Decoding continuous and discrete motor behaviors using motor and premotor cortical ensembles. Isard, M. Condensation — conditional density propagation for visual tracking.

Kim, K. Superiority of nonlinear mapping in decoding multiple single-unit neuronal spike trains: a simulation study.

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Methods , — Kim, S. Determining patterns in neural activity for reaching movements using nonnegative matrix factorization. Signal Process. Koyama, S. Comparison of brain-computer interface decoding algorithms in open-loop and closed-loop control. Decoding flexion of individual fingers using electrocorticographic signals in humans. Lauritzen, S.

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Propagation of probabilities, means, and variances in mixed graphical association models. Lebedev, M. Cortical ensemble adaptation to represent velocity of an artificial actuator controlled by a brain-machine interface. Levinson, S. Loader, C. Bandwidth selection: classical or plug-in? Lotte, F. A review of classification algorithms for EEG-based brain-computer interfaces. Marple, S. Digital Spectral Analysis: With Applications.

Arizona, however, became the first state to reject a gay-marriage ban after opponents stressed that the measure would ban governments from recognizing domestic-partnership arrangements between heterosexual couples as well. Massachusetts remained the only state to have legalized same-sex marriage.

California, Hawaii, and Maine maintained domestic-partnership registries that conferred specific benefits to any couples who registered, same sex or opposite sex. Lawsuits seeking the legalization of same-sex marriage were pending in several states, and high-court decisions were being awaited in Maryland, Connecticut, and California. The South Dakota legislature approved a total ban on abortion, seeking to set up a new challenge in the U.

Supreme Court to Roe v. Louisiana enacted a near-total halt to abortions except those required for saving the life of the mother. Countering a national trend, voters in California and Oregon rejected a measure requiring parental notification when minors sought an abortion. A total of 35 states required either notification or consent by parents in such cases. Gun rights advocates flexed their political muscle during , and 14 states joined Florida in approving measures specifying that crime victims need not retreat before using deadly force against attackers.

Keying off reports from the Hurricane Katrina disaster, 10 states prohibited authorities from confiscating personal weapons during natural disaster recovery efforts. Only Illinois and Wisconsin prohibited the carrying of a hidden weapon. Responding to disturbances staged by anti-homosexual-rights activists, 27 states banned picketing and demonstrations at funeral and memorial services for U. Several states grappled with ethics issues. After state legislators became embroiled in financial scandals, North Carolina and Tennessee enacted sweeping ethics-reform legislation.

Kentucky's governor was indicted on misdemeanor charges of having hired workers on the basis of their political loyalties, but the charges were later dropped. Former Illinois governor George Ryan was sentenced to six and a half years in a federal prison after his conviction on 18 federal felony corruption charges dating from his tenure as secretary of state. Outgoing Ohio Gov. Robert Taft was reprimanded by the state's Supreme Court for failing to report gifts. Tennessee became the first state to require retailers to check identification of all beer purchasers, regardless of how old they looked.

Alaska's legislature attempted to recriminalize possession of small amounts of marijuana, but the attempt was largely voided by an Alaskan court. Following an accidental death, Florida prohibited military-style juvenile detention camps. Numerous states approved measures cracking down on sexual predators, including those using the Internet.

The California version prohibited offenders from living within m 2, ft of a school or park, but a federal court declared that the law could not be applied retroactively; it would affect future moves of residence by registered sex offenders but not pertain to existing addresses. Imposition of the death penalty continued to decline across the country. California and Florida suspended capital punishment in December, after officials mishandled executions employing lethal injections.

Federal courts ruled injection methods in Missouri and California to be unconstitutional. During the year, 53 convicts including 24 in Texas were executed, down from 98 in Countering a trend, Wisconsin voters approved a nonbinding referendum to restore the death penalty. Massachusetts and Vermont approved innovative strategies for achieving universal health care coverage. The Massachusetts law provided subsidies for purchase of health insurance and levied fines on employers who failed to provide insurance to employees.

Vermont's plan required private insurers to offer coverage to all, overseen by a new state board. Though California's legislature approved what would have been the nation's first publicly financed universal health care system, the measure was vetoed by Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, who signed a bill that pressured drug makers to negotiate discounts or risk losing contracts under the state's medical system. Antiabortion groups opposed destruction of embryos, and the referendum was closely watched nationally as an important political test on a divisive subject. Seven states endorsed stem cell research measures beyond limits established by the federal government.

New statewide bans on smoking in public places were approved in Arkansas, Arizona, Colorado, Hawaii, Louisiana, Nevada, New Jersey, Ohio, and Pennsylvania, bringing to 21 the number of states prohibiting tobacco use in public places. The laws in Illinois and Massachusetts would become effective in Amid further complaints about federal inaction, California enacted the nation's first significant measure designed to combat global warming.

Washington became the first state to ban phosphates in residential dishwashing detergent. As Congress prepared to reauthorize the landmark No Child Left Behind education act, states continued to wrestle with federal mandates, including testing and accountability requirements. A series of federal waivers to state officials markedly reduced intergovernmental conflicts over the act.

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This information helps in fixing responsibility and developing coordination. Madan, S. Herpen, and J. Depending on the culture of the company, either method can contribute knowledge about employee satisfaction to managers and employees. However, they typically only incorporate little prior information about the target movement parameter.

Illinois effectively created the first statewide preschool, which would include children three and four years old. In a controversial move that raised the spectre of resegregating classrooms, Nebraska divided Omaha into three racially distinct school districts for the purpose of restoring local control of education. Reacting to Washington, D. Four states provided automatic increases with inflation. A nationwide campaign headed by union activists against Wal-Mart, the largest American retailer, created turmoil and legislative proposals in numerous states.

Maryland's legislature overrode a gubernatorial veto and mandated that Wal-Mart increase employee health care benefits, but a federal court later overturned the law. States stepped up protections for private property in the wake of the Supreme Court Kelo v. City of New London decision, which allowed the government to condemn property, arguably for private purposes. Two dozen additional states limited local eminent domain powers, bringing to 27 the number of states curbing property appropriation over the past two years. In a November referendum Arizona joined Oregon in allowing compensation for property owners subject to government land-use restrictions.

Similar initiatives in California, Idaho, and Washington failed by substantial margins, however. In an effort to aid victims of identity theft, 26 states allowed such individuals to put a security freeze on their credit reports to inhibit thieves from opening new accounts under their names.

West Virginia approved a tough underground coal-mine-safety law following an accident in that killed nine miners. The measure was a model for a U. Ohio, Oregon, Rhode Island, and Tennessee outlawed predatory practices by mortgage and payday lenders. In , amid world skepticism and domestic opposition, the administration of U. Bush forged ahead with its bold and aggressive response to international terrorism. Progress in pacifying a determined Iraqi insurgency and in establishing capable Iraqi security forces proved far more difficult than expected, however.

American deaths in Iraq continued at a rate of nearly three per day. A drumbeat of criticism from a unified Democratic opposition helped tax American patience and weaken Bush's base of support. Even a purring U. The American-led effort to establish a functioning democracy in Iraq again dominated world news during A determined resistance, including both Iraqi and foreign fighters, continued incessant bombing, small arms, and suicide attacks, and U.

See Iraq , above. Allegations of widespread illegality in the UN's Iraq oil-for-food program in the months leading up to the U. Federal Reserve chairman Paul Volcker. Even while violence continued in Iraq and Afghanistan, a potent political battle was being waged in the U. Democrats continued to hammer at President Bush's decision to invade Iraq, suggesting that his stated fear of Iraq's harbouring weapons of mass destruction had been concocted. The controversy eroded Bush's polling numbers, and by October surveys were finding that the majority of the public believed that the decision to invade Iraq was a mistake.

After Rep. John Murtha, a Democrat from Pennsylvania, called for the U. Murtha's remarks delighted antiwar activists. Polling soon showed, however, that many Americans disagreed with that assessment and believed that the U. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld announced plans to reduce U. President Bush laid out an unusually ambitious agenda following his second inauguration. He announced plans to regularize the national system of immigration and border control, which had fallen into disrepair.

He promised a revamping of the nation's tax code and offered proposals to reform controversial legal liability procedures covering medical malpractice, class-action lawsuits, and asbestos cases. Instead, Bush proposed that workers be given the opportunity to fund their own private retirement accounts, which they would own.

Little of Bush's agenda became law. Instead of receding after their election defeat, congressional Democrats showed unusual unity and organized to stop the administration agenda; they were occasionally joined by key Republicans. Ethics problems sapped the majority party.

When the U. House's GOP leader, Tom DeLay, was forced to step down after a Texas grand jury indicted him on election-law charges, Republican effectiveness frayed noticeably. The result was the worst political and legislative season of Bush's presidency. In early Bush traveled the country extensively, touting his Social Security proposals to enthusiastic, carefully selected crowds. He claimed that reform was needed to avoid the system's bankruptcy as baby boomers retired and laid claim to system payments. Political support for Bush's program was so anemic that the president never offered specific legislation, and the issue had died by year's end.

Bush's immigration proposals also met with a storm of criticism from both the left and the right, with the most-heated comments coming from his own party. Instead of amnesty for the estimated 12 million illegals living within the U. Outraged conservatives said that the Bush plan rewarded illegality and called instead for tighter border security and enforcement of often-ignored immigration statutes. House, in a largely symbolic vote before adjourning, approved the establishment of a 1,km mi fence along key portions of the U.

Congress approved a limited portion of Bush's legal reform, moving many class-action lawsuits from state to federal courts, which had historically been less receptive to innovative claims from plaintiff's lawyers. No progress was made, however, on administration proposals to reform the tax system, asbestos litigation, or medical malpractice lawsuits. Some significant legislation passed the Congress, but little of it met with Bush's full approval. After nearly a decade under consideration, a bankruptcy-reform bill was signed into law; supporters claimed that by requiring more overextended debtors to adopt a long-term repayment plan instead of having their debts discharged, the measure would reduce credit abuse.

Another long-stalled measure, a national energy bill, was approved amid claims that it mostly benefited highly profitable energy companies. Moderate Republicans joined most Democrats to strip from the bill an administration-backed provision allowing energy exploration in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. After a nationwide protest, the bridge spending was rescinded, but Alaska authorities were allowed to take control of the funds for use on any project—including a Gravina bridge.

Despite taxpayer group complaints over excessive spending by Congress, Bush completed his fifth consecutive year in office without casting his first veto. Legislative setbacks were almost directly tied to public antipathy over Bush's handling of the Iraq war. As violence continued and U.

Why do we need to model our data?

When Bush spent his usual August recess month at his ranch in Crawford, Texas, he was dogged by Cindy Sheehan, the antiwar mother of a slain U. He declined.


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Bush's poll ratings, adversely affected by growing public impatience over Iraq, declined even further when government authorities proved incapable of dealing promptly with the fallout from Hurricane Katrina, a major disaster that devastated parts of Louisiana, Alabama, Mississippi, and Florida. Republicans were hard hit by a series of scandals. Shortly after DeLay was indicted, Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist revealed that he was being investigated by two federal agencies for having sold stock in a hospital company controlled by his family, shortly before bad news drove its stock price down.

A long-running special counsel investigation into the naming of an undercover CIA operative by Washington columnist Robert Novak culminated in the indictment of a top White House aide. Fitzgerald Fitzgerald, Patrick J. Fitzgerald's probe continued into Scanlon promised to testify against another grand jury target, lobbyist Jack Abramoff, over alleged bilking of Indian tribe clients whom they represented on gambling issues. The agreement came just before two seats opened on the U. Bush suffered another setback when his choice to replace O'Connor—Bush confidant and White House counsel Harriett Miers—was judged unacceptable by conservative activists and withdrew.

Bush then nominated New Jersey appellate judge Samuel Alito, whose confirmation was being opposed at year's end by an alliance of liberal interest groups. After House and Senate conferees approved a compromise extension, a bipartisan coalition of senators refused to sign off, with four key Republicans claiming that the renewal potentially infringed on civil liberties. After applying political pressure by threatening to veto any temporary extension, President Bush in late December signed a mere five-week extension.

On paper the U. Nearly two million new jobs were created, and the nation's unemployment rate fell from 5. Interest rates and inflation, while rising modestly, remained at historically low levels. Labour productivity rose for a fifth consecutive year. The economic performance was particularly impressive in the third quarter as Hurricanes Katrina and Rita devastated the Gulf Coast region.

Relief from the federal government and from private insurers helped to jump-start rebuilding efforts, and the national economy grew by a healthy 4. S again provided its traditional economic leadership among industrialized nations, however, there were disquieting signs of excess. The key federal funds rate was boosted by 0. The gradual interest-rate rise finally contributed at year's end to a cooling of an extended boom in housing construction, sales, and refinancing. Meanwhile, property values in some major urban areas had doubled over the previous five years.

In another cautious indicator, the solid economic growth failed to impress major equity markets. Stock averages dipped during the spring, recovered later in the year, but ended with only slight gains. Overall, smaller companies outperformed major firms. As the year began, the U. Navy helicopter carriers arrived off Aceh, Indon. See Pakistan : Sidebar, above. Even so, the administration could point to numerous advances in self-government, human rights, and democracy worldwide, all encouraged by U. The breakthroughs included Syria's withdrawal from Lebanon, political progress by women in Muslim countries such as Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, advances toward free elections in Egypt and Liberia, and the historic seating of the first democratic national parliament in Afghanistan.

The scheduled Palestinian vote, in addition to Israel's unilateral withdrawal from the occupied Gaza Strip, provided a glimmer of hope for that region. International efforts to stop persistent rogue nuclear-weapons-development programs in Iran and North Korea went nowhere during With allied military efforts overextended in Iraq and Afghanistan, the U. When six-nation talks were belatedly resumed in Beijing in July, North Korea agreed to curb its nuclear program and return to international safeguards provided that it received trade concessions, economic assistance, and security guarantees.

Within days, however, the apparent deal broke down as the North Koreans demanded renewed assistance on two substitute light-water reactors, and the U. Pyongyang repudiated its concessions and claimed openly that it had already manufactured several atomic weapons in apparent violation of international law. Iran successfully stalled ongoing efforts by France, Great Britain, and Germany to negotiate an end to an illegal enrichment plan.

At year's end, in an effort to break the impasse, Russia offered to host Iran's enrichment efforts and ensure that the uranium would be used only for energy production. Senate opposition. Bolton arrived at UN headquarters in August and immediately began pushing for significant reforms in transparency and efficiency.

At one point Bolton unsuccessfully sought postponement of the UN budget until the management, finance, and appointment changes enacted at a September UN summit had been approved by the General Assembly. With China rapidly emerging as a world economic and military power, U. As a wave of populism swept across Latin America, U.

President Bush's attempt to expand a free-trade zone was rejected by major South American countries at a November Western Hemisphere summit in Buenos Aires. A vocal critic of the U. An often-difficult relationship with the federal government marked for the 50 U. State officials stepped up complaints over unfunded federal mandates and U. Meanwhile, the national economic recovery allowed states to restore some services that had been cut in previous years and prompted setbacks for antitax activists. All 50 states held regular legislative sessions during the year, and 24 of them staged special sessions on matters ranging from hurricane relief to school finance.

Democrats fared well in limited state elections, capturing a handful of legislative seats and retaining governorships in Virginia and New Jersey. The partisan gubernatorial lineup across the country was therefore maintained at 28 Republicans and 22 Democrats. State legislatures remained at virtual parity between the parties nationwide. Republicans would enter with a two-house control of 20 states, Democrats dominated in 19 states, and the two parties split legislative authority in 10 states, all unchanged from Voters decided a record 18 citizen initiatives during off-year elections and rejected 16 of them.

A recent trend toward limiting state spending, pushed by low-tax advocates, stalled during the year as states recovered from a national economic downturn. Voters in California and Ohio decisively rejected proposals to shift contentious legislative redistricting authority away from the state legislature.

The California initiative would have turned redistricting over to a panel of retired judges, while Ohio's measure would have substituted a nonpartisan citizen commission. New Jersey became the 43rd state to establish the office of lieutenant governor, with power to succeed when the governorship became vacant. In when that state's governor resigned, the job had devolved to the state Senate president, who simultaneously served as acting governor and as a legislator.

New York voters rejected a proposal to overhaul the state's chronically tardy budget process; the measure would have shifted significant budget responsibility from the governor to the legislature. Washington voters approved an initiative requiring periodic audits of local governments.

In a late-night July vote, the Pennsylvania legislature approved a pay raise for legislators and judges without public notice or comment. Although no legislative elections were scheduled, the resulting public furor resulted in one state Supreme Court justice's losing his position in November balloting—the first judicial rejection in state history.

The pay raise was rescinded later that month. Alabama, Delaware, and Texas approved new laws restricting eminent domain powers of local officials. The laws were approved after a divided U. Supreme Court, in the controversial Kelo v. City of New London Conn. Arguments over allocation of power between state and federal governments were front-page news during most of With fallout from Hurricane Katrina the most glaring example, state officials struggled to maintain productive relationships—and their traditional lines of authority in the U.

Some state officials claimed that the federal government was neglecting its responsibility in vital areas, such as curbing global warming, lowering the prices of costly drugs, and funding stem-cell research. In other instances states asserted that federal authorities were not providing resources to pay for mandates that they imposed on the states. The officials also complained about increased federal preemption of state power to regulate health care, land use, technology, and other programs. In May Congress approved the REAL identification act, which set rigorous national standards for documents needed in order to obtain a driver's license.

The new law effectively prohibited licenses for undocumented aliens, which a dozen states allowed. The law mandated costly new documentation requirements without providing any funding for state compliance. After Hurricane Katrina swept over Louisiana, Mississippi, Florida, and Alabama in late August, the devastation was exacerbated by arguments over responsibility for rescue, relief, and rebuilding. Disaster planning had traditionally been the purview of states, but the federal government had taken a steadily expanding role in recent years, blurring lines of authority and responsibility.

With news media accounts blaming FEMA the Federal Emergency Management Agency for delays in providing relief services and supplies, federal officials made ill-disguised attempts to take control. Officials in Louisiana, Florida, and other affected states pushed back—even while demanding that the U. The year ended in an uneasy truce, with lines of authority and responsibility remaining largely undefined.

See Economic Affairs: Special Report. Preparing for Emergencies. Pennsylvania, Connecticut, and Illinois sued the U. National Guard units were controlled by state governors during peacetime but were susceptible to federal call-up in time of war. State officials also threatened lawsuits over provisions of the national energy bill that granted the federal government broad authority over the siting of liquefied natural gas ports and power lines.

States completed their recovery from the —03 economic downturn during the year. Legislatures avoided significant tax changes. The year saw only a modest overall increase in state taxes, and a majority of the states were preparing for tax reductions in As fiscal restrictions eased, many states increased spending on both K—12 and higher education, which had been targeted for unpopular reductions in previous years. Tennessee, for example, started trimming , recipients from its generous TennCare program.

State expenditures on correction facilities increased but also at a slower rate as a year prison expansion stalled. Hurricane-battered Louisiana was forced to make major reductions across the board in state expenditures. Ohio was the only state to increase overall taxes significantly, enacting a new commercial-activities tax and boosting both sales and tobacco taxes. Idaho, Iowa, and Virginia approved modest tax reductions.

Seven states increased cigarette taxes, and most states increased fees for motor vehicles, driver's licenses, court costs, and other state services. Efforts to curb state spending suffered setbacks in several state elections. In a significant setback for antitax enthusiasts, Colorado voters approved a suspension of a landmark Taxpayer Bill of Rights law that limited revenue increases to population growth plus inflation. The Colorado plan was being eyed as a model by several other state legislatures. California voters rejected an initiative backed by Gov.

Arnold Schwarzenegger that would have capped state spending and given additional budget authority to the governor. Washington voters turned down a spending limit and refused to overturn a 9. Activists seeking equal marital and other rights for homosexuals made additional progress during the year in the aftermath of a Massachusetts high-court decision that legalized gay marriage. Maneuvering to exploit or blunt the ruling's effect accelerated in courts, legislatures, and at the ballot box across the country. Voters in two additional states, Kansas and Texas, overwhelmingly approved a state constitutional amendment banning recognition of same-sex unions, bringing to 19 the number of states that rejected gay marriage in their basic state document.

Equal-rights advocates also made breakthroughs, however. Connecticut's legislature voluntarily joined Vermont in recognizing same-sex civil unions. A similar measure, approved by the Maryland legislature, was vetoed by the state's governor. The Alaska Supreme Court ordered state and local governments to grant the same benefits to employees' same-sex partners as those offered to spouses.

A federal judge in Nebraska added a new wrinkle to the debate in striking down that state's prohibition of same-sex marriage. The ruling said that state law went impermissibly beyond regulating marriage and denied gay couples fundamental rights guaranteed by the U. California lawmakers failed in an attempt to recognize same-sex marriage. A measure, the first by a state legislature without a court order, was approved even though California voters had rejected the concept in a statewide referendum. Governor Schwarzenegger vetoed the bill, however, saying that he preferred that the state Supreme Court decide the matter.

Maine voters rejected a measure that would have overturned a legislature-approved state law banning discrimination against homosexuals in housing, employment, and education. Ohio Gov. Robert Taft pleaded no contest to four misdemeanour counts of violating state ethics laws by failing to report golf outings and other gifts.

Continuing a recent trend, states including California, Montana, and New Hampshire toughened laws governing sex crimes against children. Iowa's new law was particularly dramatic, mandating life imprisonment for a major second offense. Arkansas, Nevada, North Dakota, and Texas joined California in prohibiting government use of data from chip-recording devices that were contained in most new cars. South Dakota authorities had used information from the chip—which recorded speed, brake and seat-belt use, and other data recoverable after a crash—to convict Gov.

William Janklow of vehicular homicide in The new state laws required an owner's permission or a court order before insurers or law-enforcement personnel could access the data. Continuing a recent trend, 11 states approved new laws that further restricted abortion. Mississippi, a state with only one abortion clinic, required that an abortion be done in a hospital or surgical centre in cases in which the pregnancy had exceeded three months. Arkansas, Florida, and Idaho approved new laws requiring consent of a parent or guardian before a minor could receive an abortion.

California voters, however, rejected a similar law. Though 35 states now required parental involvement for abortions obtained by minors, courts struck down those laws in 9 additional states. Georgia mandated a hour waiting period for most abortions; Indiana required doctors to offer ultrasound images to prospective abortion seekers; and Arkansas ordered that applicants who were seeking abortions after their 20th week of pregnancy receive mandatory counseling on the possibility of fetal pain during the procedure.

New Hampshire and Massachusetts became the seventh and eighth states to allow purchase of the pill specifically without a prescription, and Bay State legislators overcame a gubernatorial veto. George Pataki successfully vetoed a similar bill. Some pharmacists balked at dispensing the drug, but Illinois Gov. Rod Blagojevich and the California legislature enacted measures that required pharmacies that sold birth-control pills to also stock the morning-after pill. Mississippi joined Arkansas, Georgia, and South Dakota in giving pharmacists the right to refuse to dispense the pill.

State relationships with federal authorities on health care were uneven at best. The federal government's reform of Medicare included a new prescription-drug benefit that was initially expected to save significant state funds. Supreme Court, in a major blow to states' rights, declared that laws in California and 10 other states that allowed the medical use of marijuana had to give way to federal antidrug enforcement laws. A grassroots rebellion over federal mandates for K—12 schools simmered in numerous states throughout the year, despite Washington's efforts to accommodate complaints.

Utah's legislature allowed school districts to ignore NCLB requirements that necessitated state financing or conflicted with state test guidelines. The Texas education commissioner declared that the state would ignore NCLB guidelines on testing special-education students.

Federal officials attempted to mollify state critics by granting increased flexibility. The gubernatorial mandate came after the state legislature had turned down the proposal. Support for another reform idea, school vouchers, remained sluggish. Utah joined Florida in enacting a statewide voucher program but limited its application to special-education students. Georgia and Washington approved tough statewide smoking bans, bringing to 13 the number of states that prohibited smoking in most public areas.

The Washington ballot initiative was particularly sweeping; it outlawed smoking in all public buildings and workplaces, including private clubs, and even lighting up within 7. For a third consecutive year, the strategic response to the Sept. Bush see Biographies Bush, George W. The administration's initiatives caused deep divisions abroad. Support came from the U. At home the body politic was also split, and President Bush's foreign policies, particularly the occupation and rehabilitation of Iraq, became the central issue in the national elections.

Costs of the Iraq intervention continued to mount during the year. At times the U. Domestic critics were unable to put forward an attractive alternative path as, in one sense, the November election became a referendum on the Bush terrorism strategy. The Bush administration could point to substantial progress in Iraq, from construction and infrastructure rebuilding to election preparations, but the U. Pentagon officials reported that Americans died in Iraq during the year, and another 6, were wounded, a casualty rate nearly twice as high as , which included the military invasion that had toppled Saddam Hussein.

Early in , in an assessment that cast a pall over the administration's rationale for the war, former U. The commission, headed by Republican former New Jersey governor Thomas Kean, proved activist and highly critical, and its periodic public hearings and reports roiled the domestic political landscape through the year. In late March, as the U. A few days later four U. Militia forces loyal to Sadr then launched coordinated attacks in five Iraqi cities. Allied plans to pacify Fallujah, however, the apparent heart of the opposition, proved highly divisive, which prompted the resignation of two Iraqi Governing Council members.

In a controversial step, the U. In late April photographs showing apparent U.

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The photos, taken by fellow soldiers, became key to a dozen investigations, including inquiries by both houses of Congress. Seven U. Coalition authorities handed over nominal control of Iraq on June 28, two days ahead of schedule, to an Iraqi interim government headed by Prime Minister Ayad Allawi see Biographies Allawi, Ayad , a neurosurgeon allied with the U.

Under the unusual arrangement, U. The arrangement proved workable but did little to slow a continuing, apparently growing guerrilla insurgency, especially in Sunni areas. Less than a week after the U. The assault took little more than a week to overrun the rebel area, and authorities announced that some 1, suspected insurgents had been killed, but most resistance leaders escaped the allied dragnet. Bombings, surprise attacks, and even frontal military assaults continued at a high level through the end of In numerous bills bogged down in partisan wrangling as both political parties maneuvered for electoral advantage, and congressional productivity was light.

Democrats continued to throw up roadblocks to Bush appellate court nominees deemed excessively conservative, preventing 10 of 34 named by Bush during his first term from gaining an up-or-down vote on the Senate floor. The gridlock became an issue in the fall elections, with Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist, in a break from tradition, traveling in May to South Dakota, the home state of Sen.

Daschle was defeated. Following the election, Republican Sen. Arlen Specter of Pennsylvania, slated to become chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, seemed to warn President Bush in an interview against nominating antiabortion judges; following a storm of protest that reached his Senate colleagues, Specter withdrew his statement. With few exceptions, only relatively minor legislation was approved prior to November. Reacting to increased abuse in the computer age, Congress increased penalties for identity theft, a growing source of fraud. At the urging of the Bush administration, and over objections of abortion rights advocates, Congress also specified that an individual alleged to have committed a violent crime against a pregnant woman could also be charged with a second offense, against the unborn child.

As Massachusetts became the first state to legalize same-sex marriage, Congress struggled to fashion a federal legislative response. A proposed U. The House pursued an alternative idea, approving a measure to prohibit federal courts from hearing challenges to the Defense of Marriage Act.